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Kelsey. It was like seeing a Vesuvius at the height of  its  eruption.  Cf.:
The sight looked to us like another Vesuvius. "I  prophesy  a  wet  August,"
said Old Moore Abinger (M. Dickens). Cf.: Next August will be a  wet  month,
unlike some other Augusts in retrospect.

  In the exemplified grammatical uses transpositional features are revealed
similar to those the article acquires when used with a  noun  characterised
by a contrary semantic base. On the other hand, the analysis of these cases
clearly stamps the  traditional  proper  name  combinations  with  embedded
articles, both of the onomastic set {Alexander the  Great,  etc.)  and  the
toponymic set {The Hague, etc.) as lexicalised collocations that only  come
into contact with the periphery of grammar.

84

   § 6. The essential grammatical features of the articles  exposed  in  the
above considerations and tests leave no room for misinterpretation  at  the
final, generalising stage of analysis.
   The data obtained show  that  the  English  noun,  besides  the  variable
categories  of  number  and  case,  distinguishes  also  the  category   of
determination expressed by the article paradigm of three grammatical forms:
the definite, the indefinite, the zero. The paradigm is generalised for the
whole system of the common nouns, being transpositionally outstretched also
into the system  of  proper  nouns.  Various  cases  of  asymmetry  in  the
realisation of this paradigm (such as the article determination of  certain
nouns of the types singularia tantum and pluralia tantum), similar to,  and
in connection with the expression of the category of number,  are  balanced
by suppletive collocations. Cf.: 0 progress —  a  kind  of  progress,  some
progress — the progress; ш news — an item of news — the news, etc.
   The semi-notional determiners used with nouns in the absence of articles,
expose the  essential  article  meanings  as  in-built  in  their  semantic
structure.
   Thus, the status of the combination of the article with the  noun  should
be defined as basically analytical, the article construction as such  being
localised  by  its  segmental  properties  between   the   free   syntactic
combination of words (the upper bordering level) and the combination  of  a
grammatical affix with a notional stem in the morphological composition  of
an indivisible word (the lower bordering level). The article  itself  is  a
special type of grammatical auxiliary.

                           CHAPTER X VERB: GENERAL

  § 1. Grammatically the verb is the most complex part of speech.  This  is
due to the central role it performs in the  expression  of  the  predicative
functions of the sentence, i.e. the functions  establishing  the  connection
between the  situation  (situational  event)  named  in  the  utterance  and
reality. The complexity of the verb is inherent not only  in  the  intricate
structure of its grammatical categories, but also in  its  various  subclass
divisions, as well as in its falling into two

                                                                          85

sets of forms profoundly different from each other: the finite set and  the
non-finite set.  ^\'
   The complicated  character  of  the  grammatical  and  lexico-grammatical
structure of the verb has given  rise  to  much  dispute  and  controversy.
However, the application of the principles of systemic linguistic  analysis
to the study of this interesting sphere of  language  helps  overcome  many
essential-difficulties in its theoretical description, and also a number of
terminological disagreements among the scholars. This refers in  particular
to the fundamental relations between the categories of  tense  and  aspect,
which have aroused of late very heated disputes.

  § 2. The general categorial meaning of  the  verb  is  process  presented
dynamically, i.e. developing in time. This  general  processual  meaning  is
embedded in the semantics of all the  verbs,  including  those  that  denote
states, forms of existence, types of  attitude,  evaluations,  etc.,  rather
than actions. Cf.:
  Edgar\'s room led out of the wall without a door. She had herself a liking
for richness and excess. It was all over the morning  papers.  That\'s  what
I\'m afraid of. I do love you, really I do.

   And this holds true not only about the finite verb, but  also  about  the
non-finite verb. The processual semantic character  of  the  verbal  lexeme
even in the non-finite form is proved by the fact that in all its forms  it
is modified by the adverb and, with the transitive verb, it takes a  direct
object. Cf.:
   Mr. Brown received the  visitor  instantly,  which  was  unusual.  —  Mr.
Brown\'s receiving the visitor instantly was unusual. — It was  unusual  for
Mr. Brown to receive the visitor instantly. But: An  instant  reception  of
the visitor was unusual for Mr. Brown.

   The processual categorial meaning of the  notional  verb  determines  its
characteristic combination with a noun expressing  both  the  doer  of  the
action (its subject) and, in cases of the objective verb, the recipient  of
the action (its object); it also determines its combination with an  adverb
as the modifier of the action.
   In the sentence the finite verb invariably performs the function  of  the
verb-predicate, expressing the processual

86

categorial features of predication, i.e. time, aspect, voice, and mood.
  The  non-finite  verb  performs  different  functions  according  to  its
intermediary nature (those of  the  syntactic  subject,  object,  adverbial
modifier,  attribute),  but  its  non-processual   functions   are   always
actualised in close combination with its processual semantic features. This
is especially evident in demonstrative  correlations  of  the  "sentence  —
phrase" type. Cf.:
  His rejecting the proposal  surprised  us.—  That  he  had  rejected  the
proposal surprised us. Taking this into consideration, her attitude  can  be
understood. — If one takes this into  consideration,  her  attitude  can  be
understood.

  In other words, the non-finite forms of the verb  in  self-dependent  use
(i.e. if they are used not as parts of the analytical verb-forms) perform  a
potentially  predicative  function,   constituting   secondary   predicative
centres in the sentence. In each  case  of  such  use  they  refer  to  some
subject which is expressed either explicitly or implicitly. Cf.:
  Roddy cared enough about his mother to want to make amends for Arabella.>
Roddy wanted to make amends...> Roddy will make  amends...  Changing  gear,
the taxi turned the sharp corner. > The taxi changed gear  and  turned  the
corner. Acting as mate is often more difficult than acting  as  captain.  >
One acts as mate; one acts as captain.

  § 3. From the point  of  view  of  their  outward  structure,  verbs  are
characterised by specific forms of word-building, as well as by the  formal
features expressing the corresponding grammatical categories.
  The  verb  stems  may  be  simple,   sound-replacive,   stress-replacive,
expanded, composite, and phrasal.
  The original simple verb stems are not numerous. Cf. such  verbs  as  go,
take, read, etc. But conversion (zero-suffixation) as means of  derivation,
especially conversion of the "noun  —  verb"  type,  greatly  enlarges  the
simple stem set of verbs, since it is one of the most  productive  ways  of
forming verb lexemes in modern English. Cf.: a cloud — to cloud, a house  —
to house; a man — to man; a park — to park, etc.
  The sound-replacive type of derivation and the stress-replacive  type  of
derivation are unproductive. Cf.: food —

                                                                          87

 to feed,  blood  —  to  bleed;  \'import  —  to  im\'port,  \'transport  —  to
 trans\'port.
   The  typical  suffixes  expanding  the  stem  of  the  verb   are:   -ate
(cultivate), -en (broaden), -ifу  (clarify),  -ise(-ize)  (normalise).  The
verb-deriving  prefixes  of  the  inter-class  type  are:  be-   (belittle,
befriend, bemoan) and en-/em- (engulf, embed).  Some  other  characteristic
verbal prefixes are: re- (remake), under- (undergo), over-  (overestimate),
sub- (submerge), mis-(misunderstand), un- (undo), etc.
   The composite (compound) verb stems correspond to the composite  non-verb
stems from which they are etymologically derived. Here belong the compounds
of the conversion type (blackmail n. — blackmail v.) and of  the  reduction
type (proof-reader n.—proof-read v.).
   The phrasal verb stems occupy an intermediary position between analytical
forms of the verb and syntactic word combinations.  Among  such  stems  two
specific constructions should be mentioned. The first is a  combination  of
the head-verb have, give, take, and occasionally some others with  a  noun;
the combination has as its equivalent an ordinary  verb.  Cf.:  to  have  a
smoke — to smoke; to give a smile — to smile; to take a stroll — to stroll.
   The second is a combination of a head-verb  with  a  verbal  postposition
that has a specificational value. Cf.: stand up, go on, give  in,  be  off,
get along, etc.

  § 4. The grammatical categories  which  find  formal  expression  in  the
outward structure of the verb and  which  will  be  analysed  further  are,
first, the category of finitude dividing the  verb  into  finite  and  non-
finite  forms  (the  corresponding  contracted  names  are  "finites"   and
"verbids"*; this category has  a  lexico-grammatical  force);  second,  the
categories of  person,  number,  tense,  aspect,  voice,  and  mood,  whose
complete set is revealed in every word-form of the notional finite verb.
   Each of the identified categories constitutes a whole system of  its  own
presenting its manifold problems to the scholar. However,  the  comparative
analysis of the categorial  properties  of  all  the  forms  of  the  verb,
including the

   * The term "verbids" for the non-finite forms of the verb was  introduced
by O.  Jespersen.  Its  merit  lies  in  the  fact  that,  unlike  the  more
traditional term "verbals", it is devoid of dubious connotations as well  as
homonymic correlations.

88

 properties of verbids, shows the unquestionable  unity  of  the  class,  in
 spite of some inter-class features of verbids.
   Among the various forms of the verb  the  infinitive  occupies  a  unique
position. Its status is that of the principal representative of  the  verb-
lexeme as a whole. This head-form status of the infinitive is determined by
the two factors. The first factor consists in the verbal-nominative  nature
of the infinitive, i.e. in its function of giving the most general  dynamic
name to the process which is denoted by all the other forms  of  the  verb-
lexeme in a more specific way, conditioned by their  respective  semantico-
grammatical   specialisations.   The   second   factor   determining    the
representative status of the infinitive consists in the infinitive  serving
as the actual derivative base for all the other regular forms of the verb.

   § 5. The class of verbs falls into a number of  subclasses  distinguished
by different semantic and lexico-grammatical features.
   On the upper level of division two unequal sets are identified:  the  set
of verbs of full nominative value (notional verbs), and the set of verbs of
partial nominative value (semi-notional and functional  verbs).  The  first
set is derivationally open, it includes the bulk of the verbal lexicon. The
second set is derivationally closed, it includes limited subsets  of  verbs
characterised by individual relational properties.

   § 6. Semi-notional and functional verbs serve as markers  of  predication
in the proper sense, since they show the connection between the  nominative
content of the sentence and reality in a strictly  specialised  way.  These
"predicators" include auxiliary verbs, modal  verbs,  semi-notional  verbid
introducer verbs, and link-verbs.
  Auxiliary verbs constitute grammatical elements of the  categorial  forms
of the verb. These are the verbs be, have, do, shall, will, should,  would,
may, might.
  Modal  verbs  are  used  with  the  infinitive  as  predicative   markers
expressing relational meanings of the subject attitude type,  i.e.  ability,
obligation, permission, advisability, etc. By way of extension  of  meaning,
they  also  express   relational   probability,   serving   as   probability
predicators. These two types of functional semantics can be tested by  means
of correlating pure modal verb collocations with the corresponding two  sets
of stative collocations of equivalent functions:

                                                                          89

on the one hand, the groups be obliged, be permitted,  etc.;  on  the  other
hand, the groups be likely, be probable, etc. Cf.:
   Tom may stay for the teleview if he will. > Tom is permitted to stay. The
storm may come any minute, you had better leave the deck. >  The  storm  is
likely to come any minute.

   The modal verbs can, may, must, shall, will, ought, need, used (to), dare
are defective in forms, and are suppletively supplemented by stative groups
similar to those shown above (cf. Ch. III, §  4).  The  supplementation  is
effected both for the lacking  finite  forms  and  the  lacking  non-finite
forms. Cf.:
   The boys can prepare the play-ground themselves. — The boys will be  able
to prepare the play-ground themselves. — The boys\' being  able  to  prepare
the play-ground themselves.

   The verbs be and have in the modal meanings "be  planned",  "be  obliged"
and the like are considered by many modern grammarians as modal  verbs  and
by right are included in the general modal verb list.
   Semi-notional verbid introducer verbs are distributed  among  the  verbal
sets of discriminatory relational semantics (seem, happen, turn out, etc.),
of subject-action relational semantics (try, fail, manage, etc.), of phasal
semantics (begin, continue, stop, etc.). The  predicator  verbs  should  be
strictly distinguished from their grammatical homonyms in the subclasses of
notional verbs. As a matter of fact, there  is  a  fundamental  grammatical
difference between the verbal constituents in such sentences as, say, "They
began to fight" and "They began the fight". Whereas the verb in  the  first
sentence is a semi-notional predicator, the verb in the second sentence  is
a notional transitive verb normally  related  to  its  direct  object.  The
phasal predicator begin (the first sentence) is  grammatically  inseparable
from the infinitive of the notional verb fight, the two lexemes making  one
verbal-part unit in the sentence. The transitive  verb  begin  (the  second
sentence), on the contrary, is  self-dependent  in  the  lexico-grammatical
sense, it forms the predicate of the sentence by itself and as such can  be
used in the passive voice, the whole construction of the sentence  in  this
case being presented as the  regular  passive  counterpart  of  its  active
version. Cf.:

 90

They began the fight. > The fight was begun (by them). They began to fight.
>(*)* To fight was begun (by them).
  Link-verbs introduce the nominal part of the predicate (the  predicative)
which is commonly expressed by a noun,  an  adjective,  or  a  phrase  of  a
similar semantic-grammatical character. It should be noted that  link-verbs,
although  they  are  named  so,  are  not  devoid  of  meaningful   content.
Performing their function of connecting  ("linking")  the  subject  and  the
predicative of the sentence, they  express  the  actual  semantics  of  this
connection,  i.e.  expose  the  relational  aspect  of  the  characteristics
ascribed by the predicative to the subject.
  The linking predicator function in the purest form  is  effected  by  the
verb be; therefore be as a link-verb can be referred to as the "pure  link-
verb". It is clear from the above that even this pure link-verb has its own
relational semantics, which  can  be  identified  as  "linking  predicative
ascription". All the link-verbs other than the pure link  be  express  some
specification of this general predicative-linking semantics, so  that  they
should be referred to as "specifying"  link-verbs.  The  common  specifying
link-verbs fall into two main groups: those that  express  perceptions  and
those that express nonperceptional, or "factual" link-verb connection.  The
main perceptional link-verbs are seem, appear, look, feel, taste; the  main
factual link-verbs are become, get, grow, remain, keep.
  As is to be seen from the comparison of the  specifying  link-verbs  with
the verbid introducer predicators described above, the respective functions
of these two verbal subsets are cognate, though not  altogether  identical.
The difference lies in the fact that the specifying link-verbs combine  the
pure linking function with the predicator function.  Furthermore,  separate
functions of the two types of predicators are evident from  the  fact  that
specifying link-verbs, the same as the pure link, can be used in  the  text
in combination with verbid introducer predicators. E.g.:
  The letter seemed to have remained unnoticed. I began to feel better. You
shouldn\'t try to look cleverer than you are.

   * The transformation is unacceptable.
                                                                          91
   Cf. the use of verbid introducer predicators with the pure link-verb:
   The news has proved to be true. The girl\'s look ceased  to  be  friendly.
The address shown to us seemed to be just the one we needed.

   Besides the link-verbs proper hitherto presented, there are some notional
verbs in language that have the power to perform the function of link-verbs
without losing their lexical nominative value. In other words, they perform
two functions simultaneously, combining the role of a  full  notional  verb
with that of a link-verb. Cf.:
   Fred lay awake all through the night. Robbie ran in out  of  breath.  The
moon rose red.

   Notional link-verb function is mostly performed by intransitive verbs  of
motion and position. Due to the double syntactic character of the  notional
link-verb, the whole predicate formed by it is referred  to  as  a  "double
predicate" (see Ch. XXIX).

  § 7.  Notional  verbs  undergo  the  three  main  grammatically  relevant
categorisations. The first is based on the relation of the subject  of  the
verb to the process denoted by  the  verb.  The  second  is  based  on  the
aspective characteristics of the process denoted by the verb, i.e.  on  the
inner properties of the process as reflected in  the  verbal  meaning.  The
third is based on the combining power of the  verb  in  relation  to  other
notional words in the utterance.

  § 8. On the basis of the subject-process relation, all the notional verbs
can be divided into actional and statal.
  Actional verbs express the action performed by  the  subject,  i.e.  they
present the subject as an active doer (in the broadest sense of  the  word).
To this subclass belong such verbs as do,  act,  perform,  make,  go,  read,
learn, discover, etc. Statal  verbs,  unlike  their  subclass  counterparts,
denote the state of their subject. That is, they  either  give  the  subject
the characteristic of the inactive recipient of some  outward  activity,  or
else express the mode of its existence. To this subclass belong  such  verbs
as be, live, survive, worry, suffer, rejoice, stand, see, know, etc.
  Alongside of the two verbal sets, a third one could be

92

distinguished which is made up of verbs  expressing  neither  actions,  nor
states, but "processes". As  representatives  of  the  "purely  processual"
subclass one might point out the verbs thaw, ripen, deteriorate,  consider,
neglect, support, display, and the like. On closer observation, however, it
becomes clear that the units of this medial subclass  are  subject  to  the
same division into actional and statal sets  as  were  established  at  the
primary stage of classification. For instance, the "purely processual" verb
thaw referring to an inactive substance should be defined, more  precisely,
as "processual-statal", whereas the "processual" verb consider relating  to
an active doer should be  looked  upon,  more  precisely,  as  "processual-
actional". This can be shown by transformational tests:

   The snow is thawing. > The snow is in the state of thawing. The  designer
is considering another possibility. > The action of the designer is that he
is considering another possibility.

   Thus, the primary binary division of the verbs  upon  the  basis  of  the
subject-process relation is sustained.
  Similar criteria apply to some more specific subsets of verbs  permitting
the  binary  actional-statal  distribution.  Among  these   of   a   special
significance are the verbal sets of mental processes and sensual  processes.
Within the first of them we recognise the correlation between the  verbs  of
mental perception and mental activity. E.g.:  know  —  think;  understand  —
construe; notice — note; admire — assess; forget — reject; etc.
  Within the second set we recognise the correlation between the  verbs  of
physical perception as such and physical perceptional activity. E.g.: see —
look; hear  —  listen;  feel  (inactive)  —  feel  (active),  touch;  taste
(inactive) — taste (active); smell (inactive) —smell (active); etc.
  The initial member of each correlation pair given above presents  a  case
of a statal verb, while the succeeding member, respectively, of an actional
verb. Cf. the corresponding transformational tests:

  The explorers knew only one answer to the dilemma.> The mental  state  of
the explorers was such that they knew only one answer to the dilemma. I  am
thinking about the future of the village. > My mental activity consists  in
thinking about the future of the village. Etc.

                                                                          93

   The grammatical relevance of the classification in question,  apart  from
its reflecting the syntactically generalised relation of the subject of  the
verb to the process denoted by it, is disclosed in  the  difference  between
the two subclasses in their aspectual behaviour. While  the  actional  verbs
take the form of the continuous aspect quite freely, i.e. according  to  the
general rules  of  its  use,  the  statal  verbs,  in  the  same  contextual
conditions, are mainly used in the indefinite  form.  -The  continuous  with
the statal verbs, which can be characterised as a more  or  less  occasional
occurrence, will normally express some sort of intensity  or  emphasis  (see
further).

   § 9. Aspective verbal  semantics  exposes  the  inner  character  of  the
process denoted  by  the  verb.  It  represents  the  process  as  durative
(continual), iterative (repeated), terminate (concluded), interminate  (not
concluded),    instantaneous    (momentary),     ingressive     (starting),
supercompleted (developed to the  extent  of  superfluity),  undercompleted
(not developed to its full extent), and the like.
   Some of these aspectual meanings are inherent in the basic  semantics  of
certain  subsets  of  English  verbs.  Compare,  for  instance,  verbs   of
ingression  (begin,  start,  resume,  set  out,   get   down),   verbs   of
instantaneity (burst, click, knock, bang, jump, drop), verbs of termination
(terminate, finish, end, conclude, close, solve, resolve,  sum  up,  stop),
verbs of duration (continue,  prolong,  last,  linger,  live,  exist).  The
aspectual meanings of supercompletion, undercompletion, repetition, and the
like can be  rendered  by  means  of  lexical  derivation,  in  particular,
prefixation  (oversimplify,   outdo,   underestimate,   reconsider).   Such
aspectual meanings as ingression, duration, termination, and iteration  are
regularly expressed by aspective verbal  collocations,  in  particular,  by
combinations of aspective predicators with verbids (begin, start, continue,
finish, used to, would, etc., plus the corresponding verbid component).
   In terms of the most general subclass division related to the grammatical
structure  of  language,  two  aspective  subclasses  of  verbs  should  be
recognised in English. These will comprise numerous minor aspective  groups
of the types shown above as their microcomponent sets.
   The basis of this division is constituted by the relation of  the  verbal
semantics to the idea of a processual limit, i. e. some border point beyond
which the process expressed by the verb or  implied  in  its  semantics  is
discontinued or

94

simply does not exist. For instance, the verb arrive  expresses  an  action
which evidently can only develop up to the point of arriving;  on  reaching
this limit, the action ceases. The verb start  denotes  a  transition  from
some preliminary  state  to  some  kind  of  subsequent  activity,  thereby
implying a border point between the two. As different from these cases, the
verb move expresses a process that in itself is alien  to  any  idea  of  a
limit, either terminal or initial.
   The verbs of  the  first  order,  presenting  a  process  as  potentially
limited, can be called "limitive". In  the  published  courses  of  English
grammar where they are mentioned, these verbs  are  called  "terminative",*
but the latter term seems  inadequate.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  word
suggests the idea of a completed action, i.e. of a limit attained, not only
the implication of a potential limit existing as such. To the  subclass  of
limitive belong such verbs as  arrive,  come,  leave,  find,  start,  stop,
conclude, aim, drop, catch,  etc.  Here  also  belong  phrasal  verbs  with
limitive postpositions, e.g. stand up, sit down, get out, be off, etc.
   The verbs of the second order presenting a process as not limited by  any
border point, should  be  called,  correspondingly,  "unlimitive"  (in  the
existing grammar books they are called either  "non-terminative",  or  else
"durative", or "cursive"). To this subclass  belong  such  verbs  as  move,
continue, live, sleep, work, behave, hope, stand, etc.
   Alongside  of  the  two  aspective  subclasses  of  verbs,  some  authors
recognise also a third subclass, namely, verbs of double  aspective  nature
(of "double", or "mixed" lexical character). These, according to  the  said
authors,  are  capable  of  expressing  either  a  "terminative"  or  "non-
terminative" ("durative") meaning depending on the context.
   However, applying the  principle  of  oppositions,  these  cases  can  be
interpreted as natural and easy reductions (mostly neutralisations) of  the
lexical aspective opposition. Cf.:
  Mary and Robert walked through the park  pausing  at  variegated  flower-
beds. (Unlimitive use, basic function) In the  scorching  heat,  the  party
walked  the  whole  way  to   the   ravine   bareheaded.   (Limitive   use,
neutralisation) He turned

   * See the cited books on English grammar by M. A. Ganshina and N. M.
Vasilevskaya, B. A. Ilyish, B. S. Khaimovich and B. I. Rogovskaya.

                                                                          95

the corner and found himself among a busy crowd of people.  (Limitive  use,
basic function) It took not only endless scientific  effort,  but  also  an
enormous courage to prove that the earth turns round the  sun.  (Unlimitive
use, neutralisation)

  Observing the given examples, we must admit  that  the  demarcation  line
between the two aspective verbal  subclasses  is  not  rigidly  fixed,  the
actual differentiation between them being in fact rather loose. Still,  the
opposition between limitive  and  unlimitive  verbal  sets  does  exist  in
English, however indefinitely defined it may be.  Moreover,  the  described
subclass division has an unquestionable  grammatical  relevance,  which  is
expressed, among  other  things,  in  its  peculiar  correlation  with  the
categorial aspective forms of the verbs (indefinite, continuous,  perfect);
this correlation is to be treated further (see Ch. XV).

  § 10. From the given description of the aspective  subclass  division  of
English verbs, it is  evident  that  the  English  lexical  aspect  differs
radically from the Russian aspect. In terms  of  semantic  properties,  the
English  lexical  aspect  expresses  a  potentially  limited  or  unlimited
process, whereas the Russian aspect expresses the  actual  conclusion  (the
perfective, or terminative aspect) or non-conclusion (the imperfective,  or
non-terminative aspect) of the process in question. In  terms  of  systemic
properties, the two English lexical aspect varieties, unlike their  Russian
absolutely rigid counterparts, are but  loosely  distinguished  and  easily
reducible.
   In accord with these characteristics, both the English limitive verbs and
unlimitive  verbs  may  correspond  alternately  either  to   the   Russian
perfective verbs or imperfective verbs, depending on the contextual uses.
   For instance, the limitive verb arrive expressing an instantaneous action
that took place in the past will be translated by  its  perfective  Russian
equivalent:
   The exploratory party  arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  Russ.:
Экспедиция прибыла к подножию горы.

   But if the same verb expresses a habitual, interminately repeated action,
the imperfective Russian equivalent is to be chosen for its translation:
   In those years trains seldom arrived on time. Russ.:  В  те  годы  поезда
редко приходили вовремя.
96
   Cf. the two possible versions of the Russian translation of the following
sentence:
  The liner takes off tomorrow at ten.  Russ.:  Самолет  вылетит  завтра  в
десять (the flight in question is looked upon as an individual occurrence).
Самолет вылетает завтра в десять (the flight is considered as part  of  the
traffic schedule, or some other kind of general plan).
  Conversely, the English unlimitive verb gaze when expressing a  continual
action will be translated into Russian by its imperfective equivalent:
   The children gazed at the animals  holding  their  breaths.  Russ.:  Дети
глядели на животных, затаив дыхание.
  But when the same verb renders the idea of an aspectually limited, e.  g.
started action, its perfective Russian equivalent should  be  used  in  the
translation:
  The boy turned his head and gazed at the horseman  with  wide-open  eyes.
Russ.: Мальчик повернул голову и  уставился  на  всадника  широко  открытыми
глазами.
  Naturally, the unlimitive English verbs in strictly unlimtive  contextual
use correspond, by definition, only to the imperfective verbs in Russian.

  § 11. The inner qualities of any signemic lingual unit are manifested not
only in its immediate informative significance in an utterance, but also in
its combinability with other units, in particular with units  of  the  same
segmental order. These syntagmatic properties are  of  especial  importance
for verbs, which is due to the unique role performed by  the  verb  in  the
sentence. As a matter of  fact,  the  finite  verb,  being  the  centre  of
predication, organises all  the  other  sentence  constituents.  Thus,  the
organisational function of the verb, immediately exposed in its syntagmatic
combinability, is inseparable from (and dependent on) its  semantic  value.
The morphological relevance of the combining power of the verb is seen from
the fact that directly dependent on this power  are  the  categorial  voice
distinctions.
   The combining power of words in relation to other words in  syntactically
subordinate positions (the positions of "adjuncts" — see Ch. XX) is  called
their syntactic "valency". The valency of a word is said to  be  "realised"
when the word in question is actually combined in  an  utterance  with  its
corresponding valency partner, i. e. its valency adjunct. If,
 7—1499     97
on the other hand, the word  is  used  without  its  valency  adjunct,  the
valency conditioning the position of this adjunct (or "directed" to it)  is
said to be "not realised".
   The syntactic valency falls  into  two  cardinal  types:  obligatory  and
 optional.
   The obligatory valency is such as must necessarily be  realised  for  the
sake of the grammatical  completion  of  the  syntactic  construction.  For
instance, the subject and the direct object are  obligatory  parts  of  the
sentence, and, from the point of  view  of  sentence  structure,  they  are
obligatory valency partners of the verb.  Consequently,  we  say  that  the
subjective and the direct objective valencies of the verb  are  obligatory.
E.g.: We saw a house in the distance.
   This  sentence  presents  a  case  of  a   complete   English   syntactic
construction. If we eliminate either its subject or object,  the  remaining
part of the construction will be structurally incomplete, i.e. it  will  be
structurally "gaping". Cf.: * We saw in the distance. * Saw a house in  the
distance.
   The optional valency, as different from the obligatory valency,  is  such
as is not necessarily realised  in  grammatically  complete  constructions:
this type of valency may or may not be realised depending on  the  concrete
information to  be  conveyed  by  the  utterance.  Most  of  the  adverbial
modifiers are optional parts of the sentence, so in terms of valency we say
that the adverbial valency of the verb is mostly  optional.  For  instance,
the adverbial part in the above sentence may be freely  eliminated  without
causing the remainder of the sentence to be structurally incomplete: We saw
a house (in the distance).
   Link-verbs, although  their  classical  representatives  are  only  half-
notional, should also be included into the general valency characterisation
of verbs. This is due to their  syntactically  essential  position  in  the
sentence. The predicative valency of the link-verbs proper  is  obligatory.
Cf.:
   The reporters seemed pleased with the results of  the  press  conference.
That young scapegrace made a good husband, after all.

  The obligatory adjuncts of the verb, with the exception  of  the  subject
(whose connection with the verb cannot  be  likened  to  the  other  valency
partners), may be called its "complements"; the  optional  adjuncts  of  the
verb, its "supplements". The distinction between the two  valency  types  of
adjuncts is highly essential, since not all the objects or

98

predicatives are  obligatory,  while,  conversely,  not  all  the  adverbial
modifiers are optional. Thus, we may have  both  objective  complements  and
objective  supplements;  both  predicative   complements   and   predicative
supplements; both adverbial supplements and adverbial complements.
  Namely, the object of addressee, i. e. a person  or  thing  for  whom  or
which the action is  performed,  may  sometimes  be  optional,  as  in  the
following example: We did it for you.
  The predicative to a notional link-verb is mostly  optional,  as  in  the
example: The night came dark and stormy.
  The adverbials of place, time, and  manner  (quality)  may  sometimes  be
obligatory, as in the examples below:
  Mr. Torrence was staying in the Astoria Hotel. The described events  took
place at the beginning of the century. The patient is doing fine.

  Thus, according as they have or have not the power to  take  complements,
the   notional   verbs   should   be   classed   as   "complementive"    or
"uncomplementive",  with  further  subcategorisations  on  the   semantico-
syntagmatic principles.
   In  connection  with  this  upper  division,  the   notions   of   verbal
transitivity and objectivity should be considered.
  Verbal transitivity, as one of the  specific  qualities  of  the  general
"completivity", is the ability of the verb to take a direct object, i.e. an
object which is immediately affected by the  denoted  process.  The  direct
object is joined to the verb  "directly",  without  a  preposition.  Verbal
objectivity is the ability of the verb to take any object, be it direct, or
oblique (prepositional), or that of addressee. Transitive verbs are opposed
to intransitive verbs; objective verbs are opposed to  non-objective  verbs
(the  latter  are  commonly  called  "subjective"  verbs,  but   the   term
contradicts the underlying syntactic notion, since all the  English  finite
verbs refer to their textual subjects).
  As  is  known,  the  general  division  of  verbs  into  transitive   and
intransitive is morphologically more relevant  for  Russian  than  English,
because the verbal passive form is confined in Russian to transitive  verbs
only. The general division of verbs into objective and non-objective, being
of relatively minor significance for the morphology of Russian,  is  highly
relevant for English morphology, since in English all the three fundamental
types of objects can be made into the subjects of the corresponding passive
constructions.
  On the other hand, the term "transitive" is freely used

      99

in English grammatical treatises in relation to all  the  objective  verbs,
not only to those of them that take a direct object. This use is due to the
close association of the notion of transitivity not only with the  type  of
verbal object as such, but also with the ability of the verb to be used  in
the passive voice. We  do  not  propose  to  call  for  the  terminological
corrective in this domain; rather, we wish to draw  the  attention  of  the
reader to the accepted linguistic  usage  in  order  to  avoid  unfortunate
misunderstandings based on the differences in terminology.
   Uncomplementive verbs fall into two unequal subclasses of "personal"  and
"impersonal" verbs.
  The personal uncomplementive verbs, i. e. uncomplementive verbs  normally
referring to the real subject of the denoted process (which subject  may  be
either an actual human being, or a non-human being,  or  else  an  inanimate
substance or an abstract notion), form a large set  of  lexemes  of  various
semantic properties. Here are some of them: work,  start,  pause,  hesitate,
act, function, materialise, laugh, cough, grow, scatter, etc.
  The subclass of impersonal verbs is  small  and  strictly  limited.  Here
belong verbs mostly expressing natural  phenomena  of  the  self-processual
type, i. e. natural processes going  on  without  a  reference  to  a  real
subject. Cf.: rain, snow, freeze, drizzle, thaw, etc.
  Complementive verbs, as follows from the  above,  are  divided  into  the
predicative, objective and adverbial sets.
  The predicative complementive verbs, i.e. link-verbs, have been discussed
as part of the predicator verbs. The main link-verb subsets are, first, the
pure link be; second, the specifying  links  become,  grow,  seem,  appear,
look, taste, etc.; third, the notional links.
   The objective complementive verbs  are  divided  into  several  important
subclasses, depending on the kinds of complements they combine with. On the
upper level of division they fall into monocomplementive verbs (taking  one
object-complement) and bicomplementive verbs (taking two complements).
   The monocomplementive objective verbs fall into five main subclasses. The
first subclass is the  possession  objective  verb  have  forming  different
semantic varieties of constructions. This verb is normally  not  passivised.
The second subclass includes direct objective  verbs,  e.  g.  take,  grasp,
forget, enjoy, like. The third subclass is formed by the prepositional

 100

objective verbs e.g. look at, point to, send for, approve of, think  about.
The fourth subclass includes non-passivised direct  objective  verbs,  e.g.
cost, weigh, fail, become, suit. The fifth subclass includes non-passivised
prepositional objective verbs, e. g. belong  to,  relate  to,  merge  with,
confer with, abound in.
  The bicomplementive objective verbs fall into five main  subclasses.  The
first subclass is formed by addressee-direct objective  verbs,  i.e.  verbs
taking a direct object and an addressee object, e.g. a) give,  bring,  pay,
hand, show (the  addressee  object  with  these  verbs  may  be  both  non-
prepositional and prepositional);  b)  explain,  introduce,  mention,  say,
devote (the addressee object with these verbs is only  prepositional).  The
second subclass includes double direct objective verbs, i.e.  verbs  taking
two direct objects, e.g. teach, ask, excuse, forgive, envy, fine. The third
subclass includes double prepositional objective verbs, i.e.  verbs  taking
two prepositional objects,  e.g.  argue,  consult,  cooperate,  agree.  The
fourth subclass is formed by addressee prepositional objective verbs,  i.e.
verbs taking a prepositional object and an addressee  object,  e.g.  remind
of, tell about, apologise for,  write  of,  pay  for.  The  fifth  subclass
includes adverbial objective verbs, i.e. verbs  taking  an  object  and  an
adverbial modifier (of place or of time),  e.g.  put,  place,  lay,  bring,
send, keep.
  Adverbial complementive verbs include two main subclasses. The  first  is
formed by verbs taking an adverbial complement of place or  of  time,  e.g.
be, live, stay, go, ride, arrive. The second is formed by verbs  taking  an
adverbial complement of manner, e.g. act, do, keep, behave, get on.

  § 12. Observing the syntagmatic subclasses of verbs, we see that the same
verb lexeme, or lexic-phonemic unit (phonetical word), can enter  more  than
one of the outlined classification sets. This phenomenon  of  the  "subclass
migration" of verbs is not  confined  to  cognate  lexemic  subsets  of  the
larger  subclasses,  but,  as  is  widely  known,  affects   the   principal
distinctions between the English complementive  and  uncomplementive  verbs,
between the English objective and non-objective verbs. Suffice it to give  a
couple of examples taken at random:

  Who runs faster, John or Nick?-(run — uncomplementive). The man ran after
the bus. (run — adverbial complementive, non-objective). I ran my eyes over
the uneven lines. (run —  adverbial  objective,  transitive).  And  is  the
fellow

                                                                         101

still running the show? (run — monocomplementive, transitive).
   The railings felt cold. (feel — link-verb, predicative complementive). We
felt fine after the swim. (feel — adverbial complementive,  non-objective).
You shouldn\'t feel your own pulse like  that.  (feel  —  monocomplementive,
transitive).

   The problem arises, how to interpret these different subclass  entries  —
as cases of grammatical or lexico-grammatical homonymy,  or  some  kind  of
functional variation, or merely variation in usage. The problem  is  vexed,
since each of the interpretations has its strong points.
   To reach a convincing decision, one should take  into  consideration  the
actual differences between various cases of  the  "subclass  migration"  in
question.   Namely,   one   must   carefully   analyse   the    comparative
characteristics of the corresponding subclasses as such,  as  well  as  the
regularity factor for an individual lexeme subclass occurrence.
   In the domain of notional subclasses  proper,  with  regular  inter-class
occurrences of the analysed lexemes, probably the most  plausible  solution
will be to interpret the "migration forms" as cases of  specific  syntactic
variation, i.e. to consider the different  subclass  entries  of  migrating
units as syntactic variants of the same lexemes [Почепцов, (2), 87 и  сл.].
In the light of this interpretation, the very formula of "lexemic  subclass
migration" will be vindicated and substantiated.
   On the other hand, for more cardinally differing lexemic  sets,  as,  for
instance, functional versus notional, the syntactic variation principle  is
hardly acceptable. This kind  of  differentiation  should  be  analysed  as
lexico-grammatical  homonymy,  since  it  underlies   the   expression   of
categorially different grammatical functions.

                                 CHAPTER XI

                         NON-FINITE VERBS (VERBIDS)

§ 1. Verbids are the forms of the verb intermediary in many of their lexico-
grammatical features between  the  verb  and  the  non-processual  parts  of
speech. The mixed features of these forms  are  revealed  in  the  principal
spheres of the  part-of-speech  characterisation,  i.e.  in  their  meaning,
structural marking, combinability, and syntactic functions.  The  processual
meaning is exposed by

 102

them in a substantive or adjectival-adverbial  interpretation:  they  render
processes as peculiar kinds of substances and properties.  They  are  formed
by special morphemic elements which do not express either  grammatical  time
or mood (the most specific finite verb categories).  They  can  be  combined
with verbs like non-processual lexemes (performing non-verbal  functions  in
the sentence), and they can be combined  with  non-processual  lexemes  like
verbs (performing verbal functions in the sentence) .
   From  these  characteristics,  one  might  call  in  question  the   very
justification of including the verbids in the system  of  the  verb.  As  a
matter of fact, one can ask oneself whether it wouldn\'t stand to reason  to
consider the verbids as a special lexemic class, a separate part of speech,
rather than an inherent component of the class of verbs.
   On closer consideration, however, we can\'t but see that such an  approach
would be utterly ungrounded. The verbids do betray  intermediary  features.
Still, their fundamental grammatical meaning is processual (though modified
in accord with the nature of the inter-class  reference  of  each  verbid).
Their essential syntactic functions, directed by this relational semantics,
unquestionably reveal the property which may be  called,  in  a  manner  of
explanation, "verbality", and the statement of which is corroborated by the
peculiar combinability character of verbid  collocations,  namely,  by  the
ability of verbids to take adjuncts expressing  the  immediate  recipients,
attendants, and addressees of  the  process  inherently  conveyed  by  each
verbid denotation.
   One might likewise ask oneself, granted  the  verbids  are  part  of  the
system of the verb, whether they do not constitute  within  this  system  a
special subsystem of purely lexemic  nature,  i.e.  form  some  sort  of  a
specific verbal subclass. This counter-approach, though, would evidently be
devoid of any substantiality, since a  subclass  of  a  lexemic  class,  by
definition, should share the essential categorial  structure,  as  well  as
primary syntactic functions with other subclasses, and in case  of  verbids
the situation is altogether different. In  fact,  it  is  every  verb  stem
(except a few defective verbs) that by means of morphemic change takes both
finite and non-finite forms, the functions of the two sets  being  strictly
differentiated: while the finite forms  serve  in  the  sentence  only  one
syntactic function, namely, that of the finite  predicate,  the  non-finite
forms serve various syntactic functions  other  than  that  of  the  finite
predicate.

                                                                         103

   The  strict,  unintersecting  division  of   functions   (the   functions
themselves being of  a  fundamental  nature  in  terms  of  the  grammatical
structure of language as a whole) clearly shows that the opposition  between
the finite and non-finite forms of the verb creates  a  special  grammatical
category. The differential feature of the opposition is constituted  by  the
expression  of  verbal  time  and  mood:  while  the  time-mood  grammatical
signification characterises the finite verb in a way that it  underlies  its
finite  predicative  function,  the  verbid  has  no  immediate   means   of
expressing time-mood categorial semantics and therefore  presents  the  weak
member of the opposition. The category expressed by this opposition  can  be
called the category of "finitude" [Strang, 143; Бархударов, (2),  106].  The
syntactic  content  of  the  category  of  finitude  is  the  expression  of
predication (more precisely, the expression\' of verbal predication).
   As is known, the verbids, unable to express the predicative  meanings  of
time and mood, still do express the so-called  "secondary"  or  "potential"
predication, forming syntactic complexes directly related to certain  types
of subordinate clauses. Cf.:
   Have you ever had anything caught  in  your  head?  Have  you  ever  had
 anything that was caught in your head? — He said it half under  his  breath
 for the others not to hear it. — He said it half under his breath, so  that
 the others couldn\'t hear it.

   The verbid complexes anything caught in your head, or for the others not
 to hear it, or the like, while expressing secondary  predication,  are  not
 self-dependent in a predicative sense. They normally exist only as part  of
 sentences built up by genuine, primary predicative constructions that  have
 a finite verb as their core. And it is through the reference to the  finite
 verb-predicate that these complexes set up the situations denoted  by  them
 in the corresponding time and mood perspective.
   In other words, we may say that the opposition of the finite  verbs  and
 the verbids is based on the expression of the functions of full predication
 and semi-predication. While the finite verbs  express  predication  in  its
 genuine and complete form, the function of the verbids is to express  semi-
 predication,  building  up  semi-predicative  complexes  within   different
 sentence constructions,
    The English verbids include four forms distinctly differing

 104

from one another within the  general  verbid  system:  the  infinitive,  the
gerund, the present participle, and the past participle. In compliance  with
this difference, the verbid semi-predicative complexes are distinguished  by
the corresponding differential properties both in  form  and  in  syntactic-
contextual function.

   § 2. The infinitive is the non-finite form of the verb which combines the
properties of the verb with those of the noun, serving as the  verbal  name
of a process.  By  virtue  of  its  general  process-naming  function,  the
infinitive should be considered as the head-form of the whole  paradigm  of
the verb. In this quality it can be likened to the nominative case  of  the
noun in languages having a normally  developed  noun  declension,  as,  for
instance, Russian. It is not by chance that A.  A.  Shakhmatov  called  the
infinitive the "verbal nominative". With the English infinitive,  its  role
of the verbal paradigmatic head-form is supported by the fact that, as  has
been stated before, it represents the actual derivation base  for  all  the
forms of regular verbs.
   The infinitive  is  used  in  three  fundamentally  different  types  of
functions: first, as a notional,  self-positional  syntactic  part  of  the
sentence; second, as the notional constituent of a complex verbal predicate
built up around a predicator verb; third, as the notional constituent of  a
finite conjugation form of the verb. The first use is grammatically "free",
the  second  is  grammatically  "half-free",  the  third  is  grammatically
"bound".
   The dual verbal-nominal meaning of the infinitive is expressed  in  full
measure in its free, independent use. It is in this use that the infinitive
denotes  the  corresponding  process   in   an   abstract,   substance-like
presentation. This can easily be tested by question-transformations. Cf.:
   Do you really mean to go away and leave me here alone?  >  What  do  you
 really mean? It made her proud sometimes to toy with the idea. > What  made
 her proud sometimes?

   The combinability of the infinitive  also  reflects  its  dual  semantic
 nature, in accord with which we distinguish between its verb-type and noun-
 type  connections.  The  verb-type  combinability  of  the  infinitive   is
 displayed in its combining, first, with nouns expressing the object of  the
 action; second, with nouns expressing the subject  of  the  action;  third,
 with modifying adverbs; fourth, with predicator verbs of

                                                                         105

 semi-functional nature forming a verbal predicate;  fifth,  with  auxiliary
 finite verbs (word-morphemes) in the analytical forms of the verb. The noun-
 type combinability of the infinitive is displayed in its combining,  first,
 with finite notional verbs as the object of the action; second, with finite
 notional verbs as the subject of the action.
   The self-positional infinitive, in due syntactic arrangements,  performs
 the functions of all types of notional sentence-parts, i. e.  the  subject,
 the object, the predicative, the attribute, the adverbial modifier. Cf.:

   To meet the head of the administration and not to  speak  to  him  about
your predicament was unwise, to say the least of  it.  (Infinitive  subject
position) The chief arranged to  receive  the  foreign  delegation  in  the
afternoon. (Infinitive object position) The parents\' wish had  always  been
to see their eldest son the continuator of  their  joint  scientific  work.
(Infinitive predicative position) Here again we are faced with  a  plot  to
overthrow the legitimately elected government of the republic.  (Infinitive
attributive  position)  Helen  was  far  too  worried  to  listen  to   the
remonstrances. (Infinitive adverbial position)

   If the infinitive in free use has its own subject, different  from  that
of the governing construction, it is introduced by the preposition-particle
for. The whole infinitive construction of this type is traditionally called
the "for-to infinitive phrase". Cf.: For that shy-looking young man to have
stated his purpose so boldly — incredible!
   The prepositional introduction of  the  inner  subject  in  the  English
infinitive phrase is analogous to the prepositional-casal  introduction  of
the same in the Russian infinitive phrase (i.e. either with the help of the
genitive-governing preposition для, or with the help of the dative case  of
the noun). Cf.: Для нас очень важно понять природу подобных соответствий.
   With some transitive verbs (of  physical  perceptions,  mental  activity,
declaration, compulsion, permission, etc.) the infinitive is  used  in  the
semi-predicative constructions of the complex object and  complex  subject,
the latter being the passive counterparts of the former. Cf.:

   We have never heard Charlie play his violin. >  Charlie  has  never  been
heard to plan his violin. The members  of  the  committee  expected  him  to
speak against the suggested resolution. > He was expected by the members  of
the committee to speak against the suggested resolution.

106
   Due  to  the  intersecting  character  of  joining  with  the  governing
 predicative construction, the subject of the infinitive in such  complexes,
 naturally, has no introductory preposition-particle.
   The English infinitive exists in two presentation forms.  One  of  them,
characteristic of the free uses of the infinitive, is distinguished by  the
pre-positional marker to.  This  form  is  called  traditionally  the  "to-
infinitive", or in more recent linguistic works, the  "marked  infinitive".
The other form, characteristic of the bound uses of  the  infinitive,  does
not employ the marker to, thereby presenting the infinitive in the shape of
the pure verb stem, which in modern interpretation  is  understood  as  the
zero-suffixed  form.  This  form  is   called   traditionally   the   "bare
infinitive",  or  in  more  recent  linguistic  works,  respectively,   the
"unmarked infinitive".
   The infinitive marker to is  a  word-morpheme,  i.e.  a  special  formal
particle analogous, mutatis mutandis, to other auxiliary  elements  in  the
English grammatical structure.  Its  only  function  is  to  build  up  and
identify the infinitive form as  such.  As  is  the  case  with  the  other
analytical markers, the particle to can be used in an isolated position  to
represent the whole corresponding construction  syntagmatically  zeroed  in
the text. Cf.: You are  welcome  to  acquaint  yourself  with  any  of  the
documents if you want to.
   Like other analytical  markers,  it  can  also  be  separated  from  its
notional, i.e. infinitive part by a word or a phrase, usually of  adverbial
nature, forming the so-called "split infinitive". Cf.: My task  is  not  to
accuse or acquit; my task it to thoroughly investigate, to clearly  define,
and to consistently systematise the facts.
   Thus, the marked infinitive presents just another case of  an  analytical
grammatical form. The use or non-use of the  infinitive  marker  depends  on
the verbal environment of the infinitive. Namely,  the  unmarked  infinitive
is used, besides the various analytical forms, with modal verbs (except  the
modals ought and used), with verbs of physical perceptions, with  the  verbs
let, bid, make, help (with the latter — optionally), with the verb  know  in
the sense of "experience", with a few verbal phrases of  modal  nature  (had
better, would rather, would have, etc.),  with  the  relative-inducive  why.
All these uses are detailed in practical grammar books.

                                                                         107

   The infinitive is a categorially changeable form. It  distinguishes  the
three grammatical categories sharing them with the finite verb, namely, the
aspective category of development (continuous in opposition), the aspective
category  of  retrospective  coordination  (perfect  in  opposition),   the
category of voice (passive in  opposition).  Consequently,  the  categorial
paradigm of the infinitive of the objective verb includes eight forms:  the
indefinite active, the continuous active, the perfect active,  the  perfect
continuous active; the indefinite  passive,  the  continuous  passive,  the
perfect passive, the perfect continuous passive. E.g.:  to  take  —  to  be
taking
—     to have taken — to have been taking; to be taken —to be being taken —
to have been taken — to have been being taken.
   The infinitive  paradigm  of  the  non-objective  verb,  correspondingly,
includes four forms. E.g.: to go —to be going
—     to have gone — to have been going.
   The  continuous  and  perfect  continuous  passive  can  only   be   used
occasionally, with a strong stylistic  colouring.  But  they  underlie  the
corresponding finite verb forms.  It  is  the  indefinite  infinitive  that
constitues the head-form of the verbal paradigm.

   § 3. The gerund is the non-finite  form  of  the  verb  which,  like  the
infinitive, combines the properties of the verb with  those  of  the  noun.
Similar to the infinitive, the gerund  serves  as  the  verbal  name  of  a
process, but its substantive quality is more strongly pronounced than  that
of the infinitive. Namely, as different from the infinitive, and similar to
the noun, the gerund can be modified by a noun in the  possessive  case  or
its pronominal equivalents (expressing the subject of the verbal  process),
and it can be used with prepositions.
   Since the gerund, like the infinitive, is an abstract name of the process
denoted by the verbal lexeme, a question might arise, why  the  infinitive,
and not the gerund is taken as the head-form of  the  verbal  lexeme  as  a
whole, its accepted representative in the lexicon.
   As a matter of fact, the  gerund  cannot  perform  the  function  of  the
paradigmatic verbal head-form for a number of reasons. In the  first  place,
it is more detached from the finite verb than the  infinitive  semantically,
tending to be a far more substantival unit categorially. Then, as  different
from the infinitive, it does not join  in  the  conjugation  of  the  finite
verb. Unlike the infinitive, it is a suffixal form, which
108
makes it less generalised than  the  infinitive  in  terms  of  the  formal
properties of the verbal lexeme (although it is more abstract in the purely
semantic sense). Finally, it is less definite than the infinitive from  the
lexico-grammatical point of view, being subject to easy neutralisations  in
its opposition with the verbal noun in -ing, as well as  with  the  present
participle. Hence, the  gerund  is  no  rival  of  the  infinitive  in  the
paradigmatic head-form function.
   The general combinability of the gerund, like that of the infinitive, is
dual, sharing some features with the verb, and some features with the noun.
The verb-type combinability of the gerund is displayed  in  its  combining,
first, with nouns  expressing  the  object  of  the  action;  second,  with
modifying adverbs; third, with certain  semi-functional  predicator  verbs,
but other than modal. Of the noun-type is the combinability of the  gerund,
first, with finite notional verbs as the object of the action; second, with
finite notional verbs as the prepositional adjunct  of  various  functions;
third, with finite notional verbs as the subject  of  the  action;  fourth,
with nouns as the prepositional adjunct of various functions.
   The gerund,  in  the  corresponding  positional  patterns,  performs  the
functions of all the types of notional sentence-parts,  i.e.  the  subject,
the object, the predicative, the attribute, the adverbial modifier. Cf.:

   Repeating your accusations over and over again  doesn\'t  make  them  more
convincing. (Gerund subject position) No  wonder  he  delayed  breaking  the
news to Uncle Jim. (Gerund direct object position) She could  not  give  her
mind to pressing wild flowers in Pauline\'s botany  book.  (Gerund  addressee
object position) Joe felt annoyed at being shied by his  roommates.  (Gerund
prepositional object position) You know what  luck  is?  Luck  is  believing
you\'re lucky. (Gerund predicative position) Fancy the pleasant  prospect  of
listening to all the gossip they\'ve in store for  you!  (Gerund  attributive
position) He could not push  against  the  furniture  without  bringing  the
whole lot down. (Gerund adverbial of manner position)

   One of the specific gerund patterns is its combination with the  noun  in
the possessive case or its possessive pronominal equivalent expressing  the
subject of the action. This gerundial construction is used  in  cases  when
the subject of the gerundial  process  differs  from  the  subject  of  the
governing
                                                                         109
 sentence-situation, i.e. when the gerundial  sentence-part  has  its  own,
 separate subject. E.g.:
    Powell\'s being rude like that was disgusting. How can she know about the
 Morions\' being connected with this  unaccountable  affair?  Will  he  ever
 excuse our having interfered?

    The  possessive  with  the  gerund  displays  one  of  the   distinctive
 categorial properties of the gerund as such, establishing it in the English
 lexemic system as the form of the verb with nounal  characteristics.  As  a
 matter of fact, from the point of view of  the  inner  semantic  relations,
 this combination is of a verbal type, while from the point of view  of  the
 formal categorial features, this combination is of a nounal type. It can be
 clearly demonstrated by the appropriate transformations, i.e.  verb-related
 and noun-related re-constructions.  Cf.:  I  can\'t  stand  his  criticising
 artistic works that are beyond his competence. (T-verbal >He is criticising
 artistic works. T-nounal> His criticism of artistic works.)
    Besides combining with the possessive noun-subject, the verbal  ing-form
 con also combine with the noun-subject in the common case or its  objective
 pronominal equivalent. E.g.: I read in yesterday\'s paper about the hostages
 having been released.
   This gerundial use as presenting very peculiar  features  of  categorial
mediality will be discussed after the treatment of the participle.
   The formal sign of the gerund is wholly  homonymous  with  that  of  the
present participle: it is  the  suffix  -ing  added  to  its  grammatically
(categorially) leading element.
   Like the infinitive, the gerund is a categorially changeable  (variable,
demutative) form; it distinguishes the two grammatical categories,  sharing
them with the finite verb and the present participle, namely, the aspective
category of retrospective coordination (perfect  in  opposition),  and  the
category of voice (passive in  opposition).  Consequently,  the  categorial
paradigm of the gerund of the  objective  verb  includes  four  forms:  the
simple active, the perfect active; the simple passive, the perfect passive.
E.g.: taking — having taken — being taken — having been taken.
 The gerundial paradigm of the non-objective verb, correspondingly, includes
   two forms. E.g.: going — having gone. The perfect forms of the gerund are
      used, as a rule, only in semantically strong positions, laying special
                  emphasis on the meaningful categorial content of the form.
    § 4. The present participle is the non-finite form  of  the  verb  which
 combines the properties of the  verb  with  those  of  the  adjective  and
 adverb, serving as the qualifying-processual name. In its outer  form  the
 present participle is wholly homonymous with the  gerund,  ending  in  the
 suffix  -ing  and  distinguishing  the  same  grammatical  categories   of
 retrospective coordination and voice.
    Like all the verbids, the present  participle  has  no  categorial  time
 distinctions, and the attribute "present" in its conventional name  is  not
 immediately explanatory; it is used in this book from force  of  tradition.
 Still, both terms  "present  participle"  and  "past  participle"  are  not
 altogether devoid of elucidative signification, if not  in  the  categorial
 sense, then in the derivational-etymological sense, and are none the  worse
 in  their  quality  than  their  doublet-substitutes  "participle  I"   and
 "participle II".
    The present participle has its own place in the general paradigm of  the
 verb, different from that of the past participle,  being  distinguished  by
 the corresponding set of characterisation features.
    Since it possesses some traits both of adjective and adverb, the present
 participle  is  not  only  dual,  but  triple  by  its   lexico-grammatical
 properties, which is displayed in its combinability,  as  well  as  in  its
 syntactic functions.
    The verb-type combinability  of  the  present  participle  is  revealed,
first, in its being combined, in various uses, with  nouns  expressing  the
object of the action; second, with nouns  expressing  the  subject  of  the
action (in semi-predicative  complexes);  third,  with  modifying  adverbs;
fourth, with auxiliary finite  verbs  (word-morphemes)  in  the  analytical
forms  of  the  verb.  The  adjective-type  combinability  of  the  present
participle is revealed in its association with the modified nouns, as  well
as with some modifying adverbs, such as adverbs of degree. The  adverb-type
combinability of the present participle is revealed in its association with
the modified verbs.
   The  self-positional  present  participle,  in  the   proper   syntactic
arrangements, performs the functions of the  predicative  (occasional  use,
and not with the pure link be), the attribute, the  adverbial  modifier  of
various types. Cf.:

   The questions  became  more  and  more  irritating.  (Present  participle
predicative position) She had thrust the crucifix on to the surviving  baby.
(Present participle attributive
                                                111
front-position) Norman stood on the pavement like a man watching his  loved
one go  aboard  an  ocean  liner.  (Present  participle  attributive  back-
position) He was no longer the cocky, pugnacious boy,  always  squaring  up
for a fight. (Present participle attributive back-position,  detached)  She
went up the steps, swinging her hips and  tossing  her  fur  with  bravado.
(Present participle manner adverbial back-position) And having read in  the
papers about truth drugs, of course Gladys  would  believe  it  absolutely.
(Present participle cause adverbial front-position)

   The present participle, similar to the infinitive, can  build  up  semi-
predicative complexes of objective and subjective types. The two groups  of
complexes, i.e. infinitival and present participial, may exist in  parallel
(e.g. when used with some verbs of physical  perceptions),  the  difference




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